Kim Kardashian slips into bizarre boob tube and trouser ensemble while Kourtney is seriously sexy in lingerie look

Kardanshians

Kim Kardashian opted for something a little bizarre as she switched up her outfit for the third time on Thursday.

The reality star, hubby Kanye West, Kourtney and Kris Jenner all headed to the Off White fashion show in an array of eye-popping looks.

A very slim Kim, 35, stood out for all the wrong reasons in an odd ensemble made up of a metallic boob tube, a pair of cut-out trousers (which she wore over tights) and a long drape-inspired fur coat.

This time it was Kourtney’s turn to steal the limelight from her sister as she opted to wear a sleek black lingerie-inspired dress which could have easily also been worn as an undergarment

Kim Kardashian slips into bizarre boob tube and trouser ensemble while Kourtney is seriously sexy in lingerie look
Kim Kardashian slips into bizarre boob tube and trouser ensemble while Kourtney is seriously sexy in lingerie look
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SEX APPEAL: Kourtney flashes her firm abs in a sparkling silver bra

Kim and Kourtney

Kim and Kourtney Kardashian were most definitely taking Paris by storm on Wednesday.

Kim flew into Paris earlier this week, while Kourtney arrived just before she made her Fashion Week debut at the Balmain show.

But after stunning on the FROW in two show-stopping designs, the pair took things to an entirely new level later on in the night as they made their way to the Balmain after party.

Kourtney was oozing sex appeal as she flashed her firm abs in nothing but a sparkling silver bra, which she wore with a gold high-waisted skirt which featured a deep front thigh split.

The Kardashians
Kourtney in Silver Bra
The Kardashians

Former governor’s aide advises Buhari to engage experts over recession

Economic recession

A chieftain of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Chief Sylvester Nwobualor, has urged President Muhammadu Buhari to mobilise economic and financial experts to proffer solutions to nation’s economic challenges.

Nwobualor, who was Special Adviser to former Gov. Peter Obi of Anambra on Parks and Markets, made the call in an interview with newsmen in Onitsha on Thursday.

The APGA chieftain said that the current economic recession had been in existence even before Buhari took over the mantle of leadership.

According to him, it went unnoticed because of the expertise displayed by those who managed the economy at that time.

“Buhari is a strong-willed person who has the best of intentions for the country, but has faulty methods of realising his intentions.

“The President should solicit the expertise of those who had been in government and those who could get the country out of the current economic quagmire.”

Nwobualor criticised the suggestion for the government to sell-off the country’s national assets, describing it as an “aberration on the rights of citizens”.

“I don’t support the sale of our national assets; as the title suggests, the asset is owned by Nigerians and should be kept for them.

“I am rather of the opinion that economic and financial wizards who are in abundance in this country should be mobilised to find a sustainable solution to our economic quagmire.”

The politician argued that if the Federal Government sold the assets, the future generation and governments in particular, may not have assets to fall back on in times of economic hardship.

“Keep our assets intact and apply economic solutions to our economic problems,” Nwobualor stressed.

Polish woman awaits sentence over N9m fraud

Fraud

An FCT High Court in Abuja has fixed October 4, 2016 to sentence a Polish woman, Dora Gilmaska, convicted of nine million Nara fraud.

This is contained in a statement by Mr Wilson Uwujaren, the Spokesman of The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in Abuja on Thursday.

Uwujaren said the convict was arraigned before Justice Abubakar Umar.

He said the Polish woman would be sentenced alongside her company, Icon Media and Marketing Agency Limited.

He said Umar had reserved the sentence after the convict was found guilty of a one-count charge of fraud brought against her by the EFCC.

Uwajaren said Gilmaska was found guilty of forging and issuing a dud cheque of nine million Nara to Tayo Olugbemi sometime in 2012.

The spokesman said the convict was arraigned on Nov. 7, 2012, and she pleaded not guilty to the charge.

Asia stocks slip as Deutsche sours mood, oil pulls back

Stock

Asian stocks extended losses on Friday as worries about the health of Deutsche Bank weighed on financial shares and as oil prices inched back from near-one month highs on scepticism over OPEC’s new plan to curb output.

MSCI’s broadest index of Asia-Pacific shares outside Japan .MIAPJ0000PUS lost almost 1 percent and was on track for a 0.8 percent drop for the week.

But it is poised for a 1.7 percent gain in September, and a 9 percent jump in the third quarter.

On Thursday, Wall Street lost about 1 percent as Deutsche Bank shares slumped to a record low after a report that trading clients had withdrawn excess cash and positions held in the largest German lender.

The bank’s U.S. shares closed down 6.7 percent at $11.48 after earlier falling to as low as $11.185.

The immediate cause of Deutsche’s crisis is a fine, disputed by Deutsche, of up to $14 billion by the U.S. Department of Justice over its sale of mortgage-backed securities.

But Germany’s biggest bank has struggled for years, highlighting Europe’s inability or unwillingness to push through tough but much needed financial sector reforms.

A grilling of Wells Fargo’s chief executive by U.S. lawmakers following a scandal over its opening of client accounts without agreement also helped push the S&P bank index down 1.6 percent.

A raft of data out of the U.S. next week is also contributing to market jitters, with the chance of a Federal Reserve interest rate hike in December still seen at around 50-50.

Numbers to watch include September manufacturing PMI and August construction spending on Monday, non-manufacturing PMI for September and August factory orders on Wednesday and non-farm payrolls for September on Friday.

“People are very nervous going in to next week, with risk factors including the U.S. election and economy, with payrolls coming out next week,” said Stefan Worrall, director of Japan equity sales at Credit Suisse in Tokyo. “So it’s normal to expect volatility in an air pocket of uncertainly.”

Japan’s Nikkei .N225 retreated 1.6 percent after weaker-than-expected consumption and inflation data. It is on track for a loss of 2.7 percent for the month, but could end the quarter 5.5 percent higher.

While industrial output beat expectations in August, that did little to lift pressure on the central bank to ease monetary conditions further.

Some Bank of Japan board members doubted whether the central bank’s overhaul of its massive stimulus program, announced last week, would enhance flexibility of monetary policy, a summary of opinions at the central bank’s September rate review showed on Friday.

China’s CSI 300 index .CSI300 bucked the regional trend to rise 0.4 percent, paring losses for the month to 2.1 percent.

China’s factory activity inched up in September, in line with analyst forecasts, but growth was tepid. Output expanded in September but at the slowest pace in three months.

Chinese markets are closed for a holiday all next week.

Oil prices pulled back after rising 7 percent in two days after OPEC agreed to its first output cuts in eight years.

Even if production is scaled back, some analysts doubted the reduction would be enough to make a substantial dent in the global crude glut.

“The accord has not yet defined individual quotas or other forms of accountability, suggesting that this is a soft output cut at best,” Francisco Blanch, commodity and derivatives strategist at Bank of America Merrill Lynch, wrote in a note.

“OPEC’s action won’t propel prices much above our $70 mid-year target,” he added.

U.S. crude futures CLc1 slipped 0.6 percent to $47.56. They closed up 1.7 percent at $47.83 on Thursday, after climbing to as high as $48.32, the highest level in almost five weeks. They’re on track for gains of 6.4 percent in September.

Brent crude LCOc1 fell 0.7 percent to $48.93. They rose 1.1 percent to $49.24 on Thursday, after earlier touching a three-week high of $49.24. They’re on track to end the month 4 percent higher.

The U.S. dollar advanced 0.5 percent to 101.52 yen JPY=D4, heading for a 0.5 percent gain for the week, but down 1.8 percent for September, and 1.6 percent for the quarter.

While the yen is headed for its third straight quarter of gains, speculation that Japanese investors may buy more foreign assets in their new business half-year starting from Oct. 1 could stem the Japanese currency’s gains in the near term.

The euro EUR=EBS slipped 0.1 percent to $1.12130, on track to end the month 0.5 percent stronger.

The Indian rupee INR= extended losses on Friday after posting its biggest drop since June on Thursday.

Indian officials said troops crossed into Pakistan-ruled Kashmir and killed suspected militants preparing to infiltrate and carry out attacks on major cities, in a surprise raid that raised tensions between the nuclear-armed rivals.

Former Central Bank Governor Attacks President Buhari

Ex-CBN Governor

– Ignoring calls for restructuring dangerous, Soludo tells Buhari

A former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, has urged President Muhammadu Buhari not to ignore the growing call for fiscal federalism and the re-negotiation of Nigeria’s unity.

Soludo specifically warned that Buhari’s attitude towards restructuring at a time when the Biafran agitation was intensifying was dangerous.

He made the call during the public presentation of a book titled, ‘The Politics of Biafra and the Future of Nigeria; published by Chude Offodile, a former member of the House of Representatives.

Soludo said, “If I were President Buhari, I would be very suspicious of anyone who advises me to ignore the Biafran issue. Anyone who says that is either ignorant or being mischievous or quite patently doesn’t mean well for the government and probably wants the government to repeat the mistakes of the past. We must start learning.”

The ex-CBN governor, who reviewed the book, explained that the Biafran argument had two variations.

He said some of the Biafran agitations were underpinned by former President Nnamdi Azikiwe’s concept of fiscal federalism while the other was based on a neo-Biafranism advocating the creation of a sovereign state.

Soludo added, “There seems to be two views: the Neo-Zikism which represents federalist versus the neo-Biafranism which calls for a sovereign state of Biafra.

“Everyone is talking of restructuring. From the book we get an insight into the faulty design of the Nigerian system. There was a modification of Aguiyi Ironsi’s unitary system into a unitary federal structure with a suffocating command post at Abuja. That suffocating command structure was ok for sharing and consuming the oil rent but even while the oil rent lasted, it was inherently politically unstable and inherently unproductive.

“If you see the failed or fragile state indices and the rankings of Nigeria, we have been coming back precipitously from number 54 in 2005 to now number 13. We are one of the countries under the red alert list.”

He recalled that during the First Republic, Ahmadu Bello, who was the leader of the ruling Northern Peoples Congress, opted to be the Premier of the then Northern Region instead of the Prime Minister because the federating units were more powerful.

Soludo said Nigeria would prosper if the states were allowed to exploit their own resources and pay tax to the Federal Government.

According to him, this is the crux of the Biafran agitation.

He added, “It seems to me that if Ojukwu and Zik were alive today, they would probably align more with a reformed federalist Nigeria. Why I say this is because Ojukwu died a federalist. That is my thesis and that is why all through the war and the Addis Ababa congress of the 1960s, he was for negotiation. Aburi was broken, he was struggling for it to work until he saw that there was a way and he saw that Biafra was no longer negotiable.

“But after the war, Ojukwu joined the NPN and even in the 1990s, when political parties were registered, he registered his own party, according to the book but he later joined APGA and became its national leader. And APGA is a national party which among other things, agitates for true federalism and he contested as the presidential cadidate seeking to be President of Nigeria.”

Soludo urged Buhari to release the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu, as his prolonged detention had turned him into a hero and was fuelling the Biafran agitation.

He said if Buhari could honour the APC manifesto which promised fiscal federalism, he would be remembered for good.

President Buhari’s New Change Ought to Begin with His Igbo Problem

Change begin with Buhari

For full disclosure, I am an Igbo man. I am also one of the pundits currently being lampooned for cheering President Muhammadu Buhari to democratic power. Yet, knowing what I know now, I will lend that support all over again—and even more. Unless we have begun to view the history from a tainted lens, the thought of the very alternative, which was to bring back Goodluck Jonathan, remains a portent of much bigger crisis. More relatively, I strongly endorse Buhari’s latest mantra: “Change begins with me.”  And that is exactly what this piece is set to accomplish.

Let me quickly wet the ground by first defining effective leadership as the ability of the leader to maximize the available resources within the internal and external environment and be recognized by the followers as meeting the expectations. Please notice that this definition has two components. One is for the leader to do a good job. The other, and probably more instructive, is for the leader to be seen by the follower as doing a good job.

Like every Nigerian leader, Buhari assumed the presidency with good intentions. The president is also working hard. Despite the economic mess left behind by the previous government, he is soldiering on with measurable progress on many areas. Regrettably, most Nigerians see the efforts as busy doing nothing. Accordingly, Buhari is making changes beginning from his very self. But there is one critical problem the General has continued to ignore that is firmly woven into the fabric of our current quest for economic revival: His Igbo problem.

For obvious reasons, the problem was initially waved off as a typical Igbo palaver. Sadly, it has now widened with untold social, political, and economic consequences. Before getting to the main gist, here is a cursory glance at the Igbo—just in case.

As one of the major Nigerian ethnic groups, the Igbo are the natural inhabitants of the Southeast and some areas of South-South and North-Central zones of Nigeria. The people are predominantly Christians and uniquely boast of being the first or second largest population in most parts of the country. Known for their unique resilience, resourcefulness, can-do spirit and, of course, unbounded technological and scientific acumen; the Igbo represent the hybrid engine of Nigeria’s commerce. These diverse traits help in no small measure as they forge social, political, and economic influence around Nigeria.

But the influence is even beyond. The Igbo have embraced the reigning economic gospel that we no longer merely live in a country but in a world. Thus, with a heavy presence around the globe, they gleefully play a commanding role in nation’s FOREIGN EXCHANGE, foreign trade, foreign investment as well as relationships. Not surprisingly, the Igbo in the Diaspora are a leading block contributor to the yearly amount of foreign money remitted to Nigeria, which is ironically more than the national budget. Very significantly, the people are one of the key drivers of Nigeria’s media home and abroad and thus have the potential to influence how the country is perceived anywhere.

The foregoing attributes are more than enough to discern that the Igbo is as important as any other ethnic group and ought to be carried along in the current change agenda of the government. Chinua Achebe was more eloquent in the book, There Was a Country: The perennial tendency to undermine the unique role of the Igbo in Nigeria “is one of the fundamental reasons the country has not developed as it should and has emerged as a laughingstock.”  But events thus far suggest that Buhari might have been ill-advised to challenge the theory from the onset.

This apparent dissent is rooted in the 2015 presidential elections where a vast majority of the Igbo joined the South-South to vote en masse against Buhari’s winning candidacy. However, rather than use the historic mandate to rally the different political divisions towards common purpose, the president would shock the democratic world by revealing his plan to marginalize the zones that voted against him. Many pundits thought his statement was a mere gaffe. But the records afterwards seem to suggest that Muhammadu “Okechukwu” Buhari actually meant the threat of vendetta against the Igbo, particularly those from the Southeast.

Critics are free to join here. But there is no gainsaying that the Igbo people are truly marginalized in the current scheme of things. As I had penned in October 2015, the upper echelon of Buhari’s government is a preview. “The underlying rationale in this case is that the positions of the President, Vice-President, Senate President, Speaker, Chairman of the ruling party, and the Secretary to Federal Government have been staked in the past 16 years as the main thrust of the party in power and thence rotated among the six political zones of the country.” Yet, the Southeast was conspicuously denied its share. Moreover, it is no coincidence that the same Southeast Nigeria, the mainstay of the Igbo nation, is the only zone without a personnel presence in the nation’s security leadership apparatus.

This outlook coupled with a stoic indifference by the president triggered outrage in the land. It straightaway provoked the Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), then a sedate outfit, to declare “that Buhari is not seeing Ndigbo as part of Nigeria.” The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) was not to be left behind, as it heightened its call for secession from the country. Their activities, however, were met with brute force, including the detention without bail of its leader, Nnamdi Kalu. This plight is today commonly linked to the birth of a new militant group under the auspices of Niger Delta Avengers. We are all living witnesses to the economic repercussions of the Biafran movement and their Avengers ever since.

The title of this piece will not be apt if the empathy for the current wave of Igbo marginalization did not flow past east of River Niger. Recognizing that the ruling party treated it as business as usual, the opposition from the highly influential Southwest Nigeria led by the trio of Ayo Fayose, Femi Fani-Kayode, and Femi Aribisala capitalized on the saga to strike back. What just took place here, and painfully so, is that Muhammadu Buhari had inadvertently provided a lifeline for the corrupt brigade of the immediate past regime—from the east, north, and west—to resurface and now grandstand as latter-day fighters of what is widely believed as naked injustice to the people of the Southeast. And what followed, thereafter, was a montage of propaganda that successfully painted the president as an unapologetic bigot determined to punish not only the Igbo but also the entire Christian-dominated South.

The development caught the attention of the Northern zone of the Christian Association of Nigeria, which lamented as follows: “while there were volumes of allegations from the South that the appointments made so far were in favour of the north, facts on the ground revealed that those appointments were lopsided in favour of Muslim north to the detriment of Northern Christian community.” More dauntingly, many blame part of the current crisis on Buhari’s economic policy, particularly foreign exchange, which is believed to be tribally skewed to specially benefit his Fulani kinsmen who control bureau de change across the country.

Today, not only is the national economy in recession, the negative opinion of Buhari is growing beyond our shores. Although a number of world leaders showered praises on him during the recent UN session in New York for giant strides against corruption and terrorism, which is very gratifying, a creeping concern within the international community remains that Nigeria’s president is a dictator, tribalist, sectionalist, misogynist, and religious bigot—all in one person. This emerging view—whether real or not—explains why US Congressman Tom Marino, a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, on a September 1, 2016 letter, would warn the United States to withhold selling arms to Nigeria until Buhari demonstrates true “commitment to inclusive government and the most basic tenets of democracy: freedom to assemble and freedom of speech.”

This spectre is gloomy, square. It does not bode well for an economy in recession. In short, it scares away investment whether local or foreign, especially in this era of economic globalization where millions of Nigerians in the Diaspora, the Igbo well included, represent the convex lens through which the world sees Nigeria. This also goes to say that even as President Buhari might have done a good job on the area of corruption, the fact that he is generally perceived as condoning gross injustice at another area renders his entire effort pyrrhic.

The central problem is complex and thus difficult to capture at once. But the solution is quite simple. For every question raised in this essay sufficiently answers itself. Buhari has to simply trek back to where the rain started beating him and make amends. Allowing the problem to linger not only threatens the chances of our economic revival but also the hard-earned change. Even if he is not thinking of 2019, which he should, Mr. President cannot feign ignorance of the fact that his queasy quandary with the Legislature has his Igbo problem written all over it. Very true!

By SKC Ogbonnia
Houston, Texas
SKCOgbonnia@firsttexasenergy.com